Like many other members, I had no meaningful involvement with the union. The only tangible benefit of membership was a press card which you could whip out, should the need arise, to demonstrate your bona fides to a policeman or a government official. But when I saw Dear appending the name of the NUJ to this ad, I decided I’d had enough. Why, I fulminated, should I pay membership dues to a union that had embraced the demonization campaign against Israel? Why should I, even in a small way, subsidize the salary of a man who, in addressing a rally opposing the Iraq war, declared that an invasion of Israel would be the morally correct alternative?
So I cancelled my NUJ membership. To get a new press card, I approached the Chartered Institute of Journalists (CIoJ), which a friend explained was not really a trade union, but more of a professional association. As a valid press card was all I wanted, I didn’t much care either way. Nor was I put off by the Institute’s ornate coat of arms, which conjured up images of knights jousting at medieval feasts. I joined.
It was the right move. In its response to the NUJ’s boycott of Israel, the CIoJ has performed a much needed professional service by reminding British journalists of the core values of their trade. Journalism is manifestly not about passing resolutions. Journalism is about reporting and clarifying, about laying bare the multiple realities which compose a story, in order to allow readers and listeners to make up their own minds.
Which does not mean that journalists, when working as journalists and not engaged in ultra-leftist posturing, cannot allow their own opinions to surface. Nicholas Kristof’s harrowing dispatches from Darfur are one thing, hectoring resolutions from trade union confabs are quite something else. When journalists give opinions, these should gently guide their narratives, not overwhelm them. As for the organizations which represent journalists, these should steer clear of all political issues except the one in which they have a direct stake – press freedom.
Indeed, the NUJ’s boycott vote is actually inimical to press freedom, in much the same way as the boycott of Israeli academics harms the cause of academic freedom. In that regard, it’s instructive that the NUJ has not adopted the academic boycott model, by demanding, say, that the credentials of Israeli journalists in the UK be revoked, or that international wire services stop supplying Israeli media outlets. Appalling as such moves would be, at least there would be an internal logic to them. Instead, the NUJ has signed up to a policy that is much, much worse.
In advocating a boycott of Israeli goods, the NUJ violates press freedom by instructing its members to regard an entire country as contaminated. It frames into policy the disturbing remark I once heard from a BBC acquaintance, who obviously felt so sullied by setting foot among Israeli Jews that he told me whenever he arrived at the airport in Tel Aviv, he couldn’t get to the Palestinian-run American Colony hotel in Jerusalem quickly enough.
When such attitudes become binding on the members of a journalist’s union, there are two consequences. Firstly, it forces even the most skeptical to confront the issue of anti-Semitism; a commentator in The Independent newspaper admitted that while he was reluctant to invoke anti-Semitism as an explanation for the NUJ vote, “I confess that I am unable to find another one.” Secondly, it raises deeper concerns about journalists and how they relate to their public; for if journalists can’t be relied on to report honestly and fairly – if they are mandated by their union not to do so – then what is their purpose?
Which brings us back to the CIoJ. Here is a professional body which says, “We…do not give instructions to our members about what to say or what not to say.” That’s the essence of press freedom. And that is what should guide journalists confronting this boycott, whether they decide to join the CIoJ or whether they elect – as dozens of staff at the BBC, Independent Television News and other outlets are now doing – to stay inside the NUJ and fight.
Ben Cohen is AJC’s associate director of anti-Semitism and extremism.
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4 users responded in this post
It would be helpful to know which publications are heavily infiltrated by these anti-Semites. For example, I subscribe to the Economist, and if, as I suspect its writers who report on the middle-east and Israel are supporters of this resolution, I would cancel my subscription with some very choice words.
Hi,
The entire situation is beyond belief. Where are the British Journalists resolutins on the situation in Darfur, or Zimbabwa, etc. etc. to many horrible political situations to comment on.
Where is the British journalists Unionin trying to free one of their own, Alan Johnston. I saw a photo of journalists standing on the Israeli side of Gaza holding his photo and requesting his release. If the British Jounalist are so anti- Israel why are on the safe and secure side - in Isrrael and why are they not in Gaza.
Israel should ban all British Journalists and no Israel politician or layperson should give any interviews to British Journalists. Let them do all their reporting from Palestine, and then we will see where they really feel safe reporting from.
Thanks
Shoshana
Joining the CIoJ was clearly the most rational response to NUJ, but two issues concern me:
1)In the US media I read daily (NYTimes & SFChronicle) the position of NUJ is covered sympathetically but no mention of CIoJ’s stance is made. Increasingly, I’m getting the feeling that US media is not quite as biased as BBC but is definitely approaching that level — a feeling based on similar omissions in stories as well as the imbalance in such places as “letters of the editor” and choices of photographs. During my years as a senior researcher at the Freedom of Information Center (UofMo Journalism School/D.C. office), this pattern of mild imbalance inevitably progressed to outright bias. In the majority of cases, censorship and bias was NOT a result of government interference but of amorphous cultural influences and trends much harder to identify and deal with. What strikes me in this NUJ situation is that CIoJ is in an excellent position to publicize its own stance and reasoning behind it, with subsequent coverage and debate helping to clarify the uglier shapes underlying NUJ’s boycott — not to mention making it harder for citizens to believe everything they hear from BBC.
2)Israel and its long pre-1948 history are misunderstood and undervalued. The Arabs have more effective pr, partly stemming from a) their post-’67-war determination to make the Palestinian’s plight ever more pitiful while simultaneously maintaining negotiation but no peace until demographics will carry the day and from b) that left-over romanticism from Britain’s and France’s empire days, an Anglophone/Francophone nostalgia for all things exotic in Arab works and ways that leads many British and Europeans to posture and identify themselves as the Shield of Islam.
So. Given that the West is prone to such fanciful misinterpretations, is there some way for Israel and her friends to develop effective counter-narratives that resonate in the same way in the international ear? Personally I think that simply looking at a map should do it, but that obviously is not enough.
Living in the San Francisco Bay Area, where Israel is widely regarded as a bully harassing innocent Palestinians and murdering freedomfighters while blaming it all on the Holocaust, I have ample occasion to argue with people, particularly academics. No one has been much moved by maps and facts, but I have hit on something useful. When people complain that Jews play the Holocaust card to defend the Israelis’ Nazilike behavior, I tell them that as a Jew I find references to the Holocaust upsetting because it reminds me that so many people who are very sympathetic with dead Jews and love Anne Frank obviously cannot, on the other hand, accept live Jews attempting to stay that way, particularly those Jews in Israel who have fought hard and long for their homeland because we no longer trust anyone else for our and our children’s survival.
Like Ben, I was once an idealistic young member of the NUJ, the London Magazine branch. I joined the branch committee because I wanted to get involved in helping journalists over their pay and conditions and so on.
I was quickly disillusioned. The meetings were taken up not with dealing with issues of press freedom or pay rates but bitter disputes between - I kid you not - the United Leninist Workers Party (one lunatic with a hand printed ‘newspaper’) and the rival Trotskyist Socialist Workers Party. I gave up, reasoning that were better ways to spend my free time. So it seems that two decades later, nothing has changed.
In relation to William Waxman’s comment, as a contributor to the Economist (I review thrillers for the newspaper) I can say that it does not support the NUJ boycott. Nuanced criticism of some Israeli government policies is not the same as the NUJ’s idiotic demands for boycotts. This an important distinction.
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